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{"id":3343,"date":"2021-04-23T13:16:02","date_gmt":"2021-04-23T12:16:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.nowadays.org.uk\/?p=3343"},"modified":"2021-04-23T13:16:03","modified_gmt":"2021-04-23T12:16:03","slug":"bidens-balancing-act-how-might-the-relationship-end","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.nowadays.org.uk\/bidens-balancing-act-how-might-the-relationship-end\/","title":{"rendered":"Biden’s Balancing Act: How Might The Relationship End?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
President Biden declared the United States\u2019 relationship with China as an \u2018extreme competition\u2019 during a CBS interview in February 2021 (Wertime 2021). However, this arbitrary term does little to determine the desired outcome of the relationship for the U.S. Suggesting there is no need for conflict implies that conflict is a possibility. But what would drive the U.S. and China to conflict, and is there a half-way house before the world suffers another global conflict?\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n
An ancient Greek account of a conflict between Athens and Sparta is often referred to in political science, it is canonised as \u201cThucydides Trap\u201d. \u201cThucydides Trap\u201d describes how a rising power, Athens, usurped a reigning power, Sparta, in what is now understood as an inevitable conflict (Hansler, Gaouette, and Atwood 2021). Historically, many geopolitical events have mirrored \u201cThucydides Trap\u201d, as rising powers grow in strength and threaten to disturb the global order, usually usurping the incumbent hegemon. This pattern can be found presently, as China becomes increasingly powerful and increasingly unwilling to curb its ambitions, while the U.S. refuses to be relegated in the international order (Hansler, Gaouette, and Atwood 2021). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
However, whilst America accepts China as \u2018extreme competition\u2019, they have no plan for a future \u2018victory\u2019. Therefore, it is pressing for America to consider the possible eventualities of this relationship. With this, the overarching question appears: will this geopolitical rivalry end in coexistence or regime failure and conflict? <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Advocates of \u2018competitive coexistence\u2019 suggests that the U.S. and China could pursue an outcome of\u00a0mutual accommodation<\/em> (Cooper and Brands 2021). This relies significantly upon the strength of America\u2019s influence. Through \u2018competitive coexistence\u2019, the U.S. would actively maintain a balance of power in the Western Pacific, through strengthening their allies and combatting China in the region \u2013 ultimately forcing Beijing to adopt U.S. favourable policy, while ensuring mutual state survival (Cooper and Brands 2021).\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n However, this argument relies solely on an assumption of superior American strength. Despite this, the reality displays a progressively weakened U.S, struggling to maintain their hegemonic status (Hansler, Gaouette, and Atwood 2021). <\/p>\n\n\n\n Logically, one could presume that mutual accommodation is Washington\u2019s desired outcome, as it would result in a strategic success without the fall of either state. Nevertheless, the likelihood of China softening any foreign policy while they are in a position of strength is slim. Contrastingly, due to the balance of power\u2019s increased instability, the U.S. may have to prepare for the possibility of ceding a sphere of influence to China and embracing bipolarity in the global order. The beginnings of this threat to America\u2019s unipolarity were seen in the Obama administration, as the Philippines turned on their alliance with the U.S. in favour of the \u2018stronger power\u2019, China.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n Consequently, America may seek \u2018victory\u2019 through a Cold War-esque approach, whereby \u2018extreme competition\u2019 would continue powerfully until the Chinese Communist regime collapsed (Cooper and Brands 2021). This would see the extrapolation of U.S. Cold War tactics, whereby the U.S. would contain the threat, and externally pressure the Chinese regime until it fell or transformed. However, this could lead to increased tensions developing, and it is unclear whether this would fuel a more aggressive China or further entrench Chinese nationalism. Accordingly, fears rise over the potential for a Cold War-esque approach culminating in a global conflict, and as China continues to work towards becoming a \u2018world class military\u2019, this threat becomes more concerning for the U.S. and the international order (Office of the Department of Defense 2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\n None of these outcomes are fixed or set in stone, although we can see this pattern in history. Yet, the Biden administration would be unwise to allow the events to simply play out without an end goal, this could blindly lead the U.S. towards a global conflict with China. Therefore, to avoid such an end, the Biden administration must expand on the notion of \u2018extreme competition\u2019 and establish their outcome for this relationship. It is only through transparency and mutual understanding that China and the U.S. shall avoid catastrophe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n <\/p>\n\n\n\n References:<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n In the final installation of this four-part series, Megan Dewhirst will investigate the need for the United States to establish an end goal for their foreign policy towards China, and will outline the challenges that Biden faces, and what the potential outcome of the current relationship may be. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":84,"featured_media":3344,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_oct_exclude_from_cache":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[12],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3343","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politics"],"yoast_head":"\n